Blackwater частная военная компания эмблема

«Academi» redirects here. For the literary agency, see the Academi.

Constellis

Constellis logo.svg
Type Private
Industry Private security services contractor
Founded 1997; 26 years ago
North Carolina, U.S.
Founders Erik Prince
Al Clark
Defunct June 2014; 8 years ago
Fate Merged with Triple Canopy
Headquarters 12018 Sunrise Valley Drive
Suite 140
Reston, Virginia, U.S.[1]
38°56′54″N 77°21′42″W / 38.9484°N 77.3618°WCoordinates: 38°56′54″N 77°21′42″W / 38.9484°N 77.3618°W

Area served

 Worldwide

Key people

 Craig Nixon and Allen Schaffer
Products Law enforcement training, logistics, close quarter training, and security services
Services Security management, full-service risk management consulting
Website www.constellis.com

Constellis, formerly known as Blackwater, is an American private military company founded on December 26, 1996[2] by former Navy SEAL officer Erik Prince.[3][4] It was renamed Xe Services in 2009, and was again renamed Academi in 2011 after it was acquired by a group of private investors.[5] In 2014, Academi merged with Triple Canopy, a subsidiary of Constellis Group.[6][7] Later, Academi was fully integrated into the parent company, and now operates under the name Constellis.[8]

Constellis and its predecessors provide contract security services to the United States federal government. Since 2003, it has provided services to the Central Intelligence Agency. In 2013, its subsidiary, International Development Solutions, received an approximately $92 million contract for U.S. State Department security guards.[9]

In 2007, Blackwater received widespread notoriety for the Nisour Square massacre in Baghdad, when a group of its employees killed 17 Iraqi civilians and injured 20. Four employees were convicted in the United States but later pardoned on December 22, 2020, by President Donald Trump.[10][11]

History[edit]

1997: Blackwater USA[edit]

Blackwater USA was formed on December 26, 1996,[2] by Al Clark[12] and Erik Prince in North Carolina, to provide training support to military and law enforcement organizations. In explaining its purpose, Prince stated: «We are trying to do for the national security apparatus what FedEx did for the Postal Service.»[13] After working with SEAL and SWAT teams, Blackwater USA received its first government contract following the bombing of USS Cole off of the coast of Yemen in October 2000.

1998: Training center opens[edit]

Prince purchased approximately 7,000 acres (28 km2) of the Great Dismal Swamp, a vast swamp on the North Carolina–Virginia border that is now mostly a national wildlife refuge. «We needed 3,000 acres to make it safe,» Prince told reporter Robert Young Pelton.[14] There, he created his private training facility and his contracting company, Blackwater, which he named for the peat-colored water of the swamp.[15]

The Blackwater Lodge and Training Center officially opened on May 15, 1998, with a 6,000-acre (2,400 ha), $6.5 million facility headed by Jamie Milam.[14] It comprises several ranges: indoor, outdoor, urban reproductions; an artificial lake; and a driving track in Camden and Currituck counties. The company says it is the largest training facility in the country. The concept was not a financial success and was kept financially solvent by sales from sister company Blackwater Target Systems.[16]

2002–2007: Blackwater Security Company[edit]

Jeremy Scahill has claimed that Blackwater Security Company (BSC) was the brainchild of Jamie Smith, a former CIA officer who became Vice President of Blackwater USA and the Founding Director of Blackwater Security Company, holding both positions simultaneously.[17] However, this claim is denied by Prince and Blackwater executive Gary Jackson who describe firing Smith from his position as a low-level administrator for «non-performance» after a 30-day contract. Additionally, Smith has been accused of further embellishing his military and contracting record to defraud investors at SCG International Risk.[18]

2003–2006: First contracts[edit]

BSC’s first assignment was to provide 20 men with top secret clearance to protect the CIA headquarters and another base that was responsible for hunting Osama bin Laden.[19] Blackwater was one of several private security firms employed following the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan. BSC was originally formed as a Delaware LLC and was one of over 60 private security firms employed during the Iraq War to guard officials and installations, train Iraq’s new army and police, and provide other support for coalition forces.[20] Smith left Blackwater to start his own firm, SCG International Risk, in 2003. Blackwater was also hired during the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security to protect government facilities, as well as by private clients, including communications, petrochemical, and insurance companies.[why?][21] Overall, the company received over US$1 billion in U.S. government contracts.[22] The company consisted of nine divisions and a subsidiary, Blackwater Vehicles.

In August 2003, Blackwater received its first Iraq contract, a $21 million contract for a Personal Security Detachment and two helicopters for Paul Bremer, head of the U.S. occupation in Iraq.[23]

In July 2004, Blackwater was hired by the U.S. Department of State under the Bureau of Diplomatic Security’s Worldwide Personal Protective Services (WPPS) umbrella contract, along with DynCorp International and Triple Canopy, Inc. for the purpose of providing protective services in Iraq, Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Israel.[24] The contract applied for two years and expired on June 6, 2006. It authorized 482 personnel, and Blackwater received $488m for its work.[25]

On September 1, 2005, following Hurricane Katrina, Blackwater dispatched a rescue team and helicopter to support relief operations.[26] Blackwater moved about 200 personnel into the area impacted by Hurricane Katrina, most of whom (164 employees) were working under a contract with the Federal Protective Service to protect government facilities,[21] but the company held contracts with private clients as well. Blackwater’s presence after Katrina cost the federal government $240,000 per day.[27]

In May 2006, the U.S. State Department awarded WPPS II, the successor to its previous diplomatic security contract.[25] Under this contract, the State Department awarded Blackwater, along with Triple Canopy and DynCorp, a contract for diplomatic security in Iraq. Under this contract, Blackwater was authorized to have 1,020 staff in Iraq.[25] Blackwater’s responsibilities included the United States embassy in Iraq.[28] At the time it was a privately held company and published limited information about internal affairs.[29]

Leadership[edit]

Cofer Black, the company’s vice-chairman from 2006 through 2008, was director of the CIA’s Counterterrorist Center (CTC) at the time of the September 11 attacks in 2001. He was the United States Department of State coordinator for counterterrorism with the rank of Ambassador-at-Large from December 2002 to November 2004. After leaving public service, Black became chairman of the privately owned intelligence-gathering company Total Intelligence Solutions, Inc., as well as vice-chairman of Blackwater.[30][31]

Robert Richer was vice president of intelligence until January 2007, when he formed Total Intelligence Solutions. He was formerly the head of the CIA’s Near East Division.[30][31]

2006–2007: New training centers[edit]

In November 2006, Blackwater USA announced that it had acquired an 80-acre (32 ha) facility 120 miles (190 km) west of Chicago in Mount Carroll, Illinois, called Impact Training Center. This facility has been operational since April 2007 and serves law enforcement agencies throughout the Midwest.[citation needed]

Blackwater tried to open an 824-acre (3.33 km2) training facility three miles north of Potrero, a small town in rural east San Diego County, California, located 45 miles (72 km) east of San Diego, for military and law enforcement training.[32][33][34][35] The opening had faced heavy opposition from local residents, residents of nearby San Diego, local Congressmember Bob Filner, and environmentalist and anti-war organizations. Opposition focused on a potential for wildfire increases, the proposed facility’s proximity to the Cleveland National Forest, noise pollution, and opposition to the actions of Blackwater in Iraq.[36][37] In response, Brian Bonfiglio, project manager for Blackwater West, said: «There will be no explosives training and no tracer ammunition. Lead bullets don’t start fires.» In October 2007, when wildfires swept through the area, Blackwater made at least three deliveries of food, water, personal hygiene products and generator fuel to 300 residents near the proposed training site, many of whom had been trapped for days without supplies. They also set up a «tent city» for evacuees.[38] On March 7, 2008, Blackwater withdrew its application to set up a facility in San Diego County.[39]

2007–2009: Blackwater Worldwide[edit]

Blackwater logo introduced 2007 (top) and original logo (below)

In October 2007, Blackwater USA began the process of changing its name to Blackwater Worldwide and unveiled a new logo.[40] The change deemphasized the «cross hair» reticle theme, simplifying it slightly.[40]

On July 21, 2008, Blackwater Worldwide stated that it would shift resources away from security contracting because of the extensive risks in that sector. Said company founder and CEO Erik Prince, «The experience we’ve had would certainly be a disincentive to any other companies that want to step in and put their entire business at risk.»[41]

2009–2010: Xe Services LLC[edit]

In February 2009, Blackwater announced that it would be once again renamed, this time to «Xe Services LLC», as part of a company-wide restructuring plan. Subsequently, it reorganized its business units, added a corporate governance and ethics program, and established an independent committee of outside experts to supervise compliance structures.[42][dubious – discuss]

Prince announced his resignation as CEO on March 2, 2009. He remained as chairman of the board but was no longer involved in day-to-day operations. Joseph Yorio was named as the new president and CEO, replacing Gary Jackson as president and Prince as CEO. Danielle Esposito was named the new chief operating officer and executive vice president.[43][44]

In 2009, Prince announced that he would relinquish involvement in the company’s day-to-day business in December, along with some of his ownership rights[which?].[citation needed]

2010–2014: Academi[edit]

In 2010, a group of private investors purchased Xe’s North Carolina training facility and built Academi, a new company, around it. Academi’s Board of Directors included former Attorney General John Ashcroft, former White House Counsel and Vice Presidential Chief of Staff Jack Quinn, retired Admiral and former NSA Director Bobby Ray Inman,[45] and Texas businessman Red McCombs, who served as chairman of the board.[46] Quinn and Ashcroft were independent directors, without other affiliations to Academi.[47]

In May 2011, Academi named Ted Wright as CEO.[48] Wright hired Suzanne Rich Folsom as Academi’s chief regulatory and compliance officer and deputy general counsel.[49] The Academi Regulatory and Compliance team won National Law Journal’s 2012 Corporate Compliance Office of the Year Award.[50]

In 2012, retired Brigadier General Craig Nixon was named the new CEO of Academi.[51]

2014–present: Constellis Holdings[edit]

A merger between Triple Canopy and Academi, along with other companies that were part of the Constellis Group package, are now all gathered under the Constellis Holdings, Inc. umbrella.[6] The transaction brings together an array of security companies including Triple Canopy, Constellis Ltd., Strategic Social, Tidewater Global Services, National Strategic Protective Services, ACADEMI Training Center and International Development Solutions.[7]

In 2015 six Colombian mercenaries reported by local media to be employed by Academi were killed in Yemen.
The mercenaries were being led by an Australian commander believed to have been hired by the United Arab Emirates to fight the Houthi insurgency.[52]

In 2016, Ali al-Houthi, former President of the Revolutionary Committee, a body formed by Houthi militants, reported that a Tochka missile hit on a Saudi-led command center in Ma’rib resulting in the death of over 120 mercenaries, including 55 Saudi (9 officers), 11 UAE and 11 foreign commanders of Blackwater on January 17 as well as other material losses.[53] Also in 2016, two hundred Sudanese mercenaries from Blackwater and their commander U.S. Colonel Nicolas Petras were killed in Yemen in an attack by Yemeni forces on January 31 with another Tochka missile that impacted a gathering of the Saudi forces at Al Anad Air Base in Lahij province according to Houthi and Iranian sources.[53]

In September 2016, Constellis was bought by Apollo.[54]

Board of directors[edit]

  • Red McCombs (chairman)[55]
  • John Ashcroft[55]
  • Dean Bosacki[55]
  • Jason DeYonker[55]
  • Bobby Ray Inman[55]
  • Jack Quinn[55]
  • Russ Robinson[55]

Services and products[edit]

Academi has a variety of services and product offerings.

United States Training Center[edit]

Shooters take part in firearms training held at the U.S. Training Center in Moyock, North Carolina.

United States Training Center (USTC, formerly Blackwater Training Center) offers tactics and weapons training to military, government, and law enforcement agencies. USTC also offers several open-enrollment courses periodically throughout the year, from hand to hand combat (executive course) to precision rifle marksmanship. They also offer courses in tactical and off-road driving.[56]

USTC’s primary training facility, located on 7,000 acres (28 km2) in northeastern North Carolina, comprises several ranges, indoor, outdoor, urban reproductions, a man-made lake, and a driving track in Camden and Currituck counties. Company literature says that it is the largest training facility in the country. In November 2006 Blackwater USA announced it acquired an 80-acre (32 ha) facility 150 miles (240 km) west of Chicago, in Mount Carroll, Illinois, to be called Blackwater North. That facility has been operational since April 2007 and serves law enforcement agencies throughout the Midwest.[citation needed] The training facility has since been renamed Impact Training Center[57] and once again has been renamed Hollow Training Center.

In 2011, the Pentagon contracted USTC to provide «intelligence analyst support and material procurement» for NATO in the ongoing Afghan drug war.[58]

Maritime security service[edit]

Academi offers tactical training for maritime force protection units. In the past, it has trained Greek security forces for the 2004 Olympics, Azerbaijan Naval Sea Commandos, and Afghanistan’s Ministry of Interior.[59] Academi’s facilities include a man-made lake, with stacked containers simulating the hull and deck of a ship for maritime assaults. Blackwater received a contract to train United States Navy sailors, which was managed by Jamie Smith, following the attack on the USS Cole.[60]
It also purchased a 183-foot (56 m) vessel, McArthur, which has been outfitted for disaster response and training.[61] According to Blackwater USA, it features «state of the art navigation systems, full GMDSS communications, SEATEL Broadband, dedicated command and control bays, helicopter decks, hospital and multiple support vessel capabilities.»[61] McArthur was built in 1966 by the Norfolk Shipbuilding and Drydock Company and served as the survey ship USC&GS McArthur (MSS 22) for the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey from 1966 to 1970 and as NOAAS McArthur (S 330) for the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration from 1970 until her decommissioning in 2003. The ship is home-ported in Norfolk, Virginia.[62]

Canine training[edit]

The company trains canines to work in patrol capacities as war dogs, explosives and drug detection, and various other roles for military and law enforcement duties.

Security consulting[edit]

Blackwater Security Consulting (BSC) was formed as a Delaware LLC in December 2001 and was the brainchild of Jamie Smith, a former CIA officer who was the Founding Director as well as acting Vice President of Blackwater USA.[63] The company, based in Moyock, North Carolina, is one of the private security firms employed during the Iraq War to guard officials and installations, train Iraq’s new army and police, and provide other support for coalition forces.[20]

The company was started to help train SEALS for combat. However, in the aftermath of 9/11, civilian security teams were needed by the United States Military.[19]

Before 2001, tier-one contractors, or former members of elite, special forces units, were hired from a small pool of applicants. After the September 11 attacks, Cofer Black, the former head of counter terrorism at the CIA, requested that the federal government hire more contractors to operate overseas. Eventually, the CIA realized that a large number of civilian contractors would be needed overseas to accomplish its broad goals. The federal government turned to Blackwater for assistance.[19] Jamie Smith and his deputy David Phillips recruited, vetted and hired a 21-man team. This team was then trained and deployed on a Top Secret project to provide protection for CIA personnel and facilities in Afghanistan. Jamie Smith and Erik Prince deployed with the team to Afghanistan. The two then deployed to the Pakistani border as a two-man element providing security assistance in one of the most dangerous places in the country at the time. Prince stayed there for one week and was in Afghanistan for a total of two weeks, leaving Smith and the remainder of the team to continue to carry out the mission.[64]

By 2003, the ground war in Iraq changed into a diplomatic mission, demanding hundreds of diplomats and State Department employees. The government traditionally handles its own security, but it lacked the staff for high-risk protection details. Therefore, a different type of protection was needed, and Blackwater would provide the solution. Blackwater’s founder, Erik Prince, says that «not one State Department employee was killed while we were protecting them.»[19]

Academi’s primary public contract is from the U.S. State Department under the Bureau of Diplomatic Security’s Worldwide Personal Protective Services (WPPS) and WPPS II umbrella contracts, along with DynCorp International and Triple Canopy, Inc., for protective services in Iraq, Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Israel.[65][66]

Products[edit]

Target systems[edit]

Academi provides and maintains a «shoot house» system and patented the BEAR multi-target training system that was designed and developed by the company.[67][68] Blackwater Target Systems company was managed by Jim Dehart and the company was largely responsible for keeping Blackwater Training Center financially solvent until the creation of Blackwater Security Company by Smith.[16]

Cougar (MRAP)[edit]

Force Protection Inc in early 2005 provided the first Cougar Security Vehicle (SV) to Blackwater USA for use as a transport vehicle for U.S. Provisional Coalition Authority officials in Baghdad.

Grizzly armored vehicle[edit]

Academi operates and markets its own armored personnel carrier, the Grizzly APC.[69]

Former corporate units[edit]

Aviation Worldwide Services[edit]

Aviation Worldwide Services (AWS) was founded by Richard Pere and Tim Childrey, and was based at Melbourne, Florida, U.S. It owned and operated three subsidiaries: STI Aviation, Inc. Air Quest, Inc. and Presidential Airways, Inc. In April 2003 it was acquired by Blackwater USA.[70]

Presidential Airways (PAW) is a Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) Regulations Part 135 charter cargo and passenger airline based at Melbourne Orlando International Airport. It operates aircraft owned by AWS. Presidential Airways holds a Secret Facility Clearance from the U.S. Department of Defense.[71] It operates several CASA 212 aircraft in addition to a Boeing 767.[72][73] Several of the MD-530 helicopters used by Blackwater Security Consulting in Iraq are also operated through AWS.[74][75]

A CASA 212 aircraft, tail number N960BW, operated by Presidential Airways crashed on November 27, 2004, in Afghanistan; it had been a contract flight for the United States Air Force en route from Bagram to Farah.[76] All aboard, three soldiers and three civilian crew members, were killed. Several of their surviving kin filed a wrongful death lawsuit against Presidential in October 2005.[77]

In late September 2007, Presidential Airways received a $92m contract from the Department of Defense for air transportation in Afghanistan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan and Uzbekistan.[78]

STI Aviation focuses on aircraft maintenance, and is a FAA/Joint Aviation Authorities 145 repair station.[70] They specialize in Short 360, EMB 120, Saab 340, and CASA 212 maintenance. As of January 2008, STI Aviation appears to have been folded into AWS, along with Air Quest.[79]

Many of Blackwater’s tactical and training aircraft are registered to Blackwater affiliate EP Aviation LLC, named for Blackwater’s owner, Erik Prince.[80] These aircraft include fourteen Bell 412 helicopters, three Hughes/MD 369 «Little Bird» helicopters, four Bell 214ST medium-lift helicopters, three Fairchild Swearingen Merlin IIIC turboprop airliners, nine Aérospatiale Puma utility helicopters,[81] a Maule Air MT-7-235 STOL aircraft, an Embraer EMB 314 Super Tucano counterinsurgency aircraft, and a Mooney M20E fixed wing aircraft.[82]

Aviation Worldwide Services was purchased for $200 million in 2010 by AAR Corp., an Illinois company. In a letter released on February 8, 2011, the new owners informed state officials that they are shutting down the Moyock, North Carolina, operation and moving some employees to a new business location in Melbourne, Florida. Some 260 staff are affected with about 50 losing their jobs, beginning at the end of February. The company views the aviation division as a growth opportunity.[83]

Greystone Limited[edit]

In 2010, Greystone was acquired by current management.[who?] Greystone now operates as a standalone, management owned provider of protective support services and training.[citation needed]

A private security service, Greystone is registered in Barbados, and employs soldiers for off-shore security work through its affiliate Satelles Solutions, Inc.[84] Their web site advertises their ability to provide «personnel from the best militaries throughout the world» for worldwide deployment. Tasks can be from very small scale up major operations to «facilitate large scale stability operations requiring large numbers of people to assist in securing a region».[84][dead link]

Erik Prince intended Greystone to be used for peacekeeping missions in areas like Darfur where military operations would need to take place to establish peace.[85]

Greystone had planned to open a training facility on the former grounds of the Subic Bay U.S. Naval Base, but those plans were later abandoned.[86]

Former international services[edit]

According to a company press release, Blackwater provided airlift, security, logistics, and transportation services, as well as humanitarian support. Blackwater moved about 200 personnel into the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, most of whom (164 employees) were working under a contract with the Department of Homeland Security to protect government facilities,[87] but the company held contracts with private clients as well. Overall, Blackwater had a «visible, and financially lucrative, presence in the immediate aftermath of Hurricane Katrina as the use of the company contractors cost U.S. taxpayers $240,000 a day.»[88]

Academi (then Blackwater USA) was one of five companies picked in September 2007 by the Department of Defense Counter-Narcotics Technology Program Office in a five-year contract for equipment, material and services in support of counter-narcotics activities. The contract is worth up to $15 billion. The other companies picked are Raytheon, Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, OHI, and Arinc Inc.[89] Blackwater USA has also been contracted by various foreign governments. The DEA and DoD counternarcotics program is supported by Blackwater Worldwide in Afghanistan as well.[90] «Blackwater is involved on DoD side» of the counter-narcotics program in Afghanistan says Jeff Gibson, vice president for international training at Blackwater. «We interdict. The NIU surgically goes after shipments going to Iran or Pakistan. We provide training to set up roadblocks, identify where drug lords are, and act so as not to impact the community.»[90] In 2008, about 16 Blackwater personnel were in Afghanistan at any given time to support DoD and DEA efforts at training facilities around the country.[90] Blackwater is also involved in mentoring Afghan officials in drug interdiction and counter narcotics.[91] As Richard Douglas, a deputy assistant secretary of defense, explained, «The fact is, we use Blackwater to do a lot of our training of counternarcotics police in Afghanistan. I have to say that Blackwater has done a very good job.»[92]
The Obama administration awarded Academi a $250 million contract to work for the U.S. State Department and the Central Intelligence Agency in Afghanistan.[93]

In 2005, Blackwater worked to train the Naval Sea Commando regiment of Azerbaijan, enhancing their interdiction capabilities on the Caspian Sea.[94] In Asia, Blackwater had contracts in Japan guarding AN/TPY-2 radar systems.[95]

In March 2006, Cofer Black, vice chairman of Blackwater USA, allegedly suggested at an international conference in Amman, Jordan, that the company was ready to move towards providing security professionals up to brigade size (3,000–5,000) for humanitarian efforts and low-intensity conflicts.[96] The company denies making this claim.[97]

Mark Manzetti, writing in The New York Times on August 19, 2009, reported that the CIA had hired Blackwater «as part of a secret program to locate and assassinate top operatives of Al Qaeda.»[98] Newly appointed CIA director Leon Panetta had recently acknowledged a planned secret targeted killing program, one withheld from Congressional oversight. Manzetti’s sources, which tied the program to Blackwater, declined to have their names made public. The CIA was acting on a 2001 presidential legal pronouncement, known as a finding, which authorized the CIA to pursue such efforts.[99] Several million dollars were spent on planning and training, but it was never put into operation and no militants were caught or captured.[99][100] Manzetti notes that it was unknown «whether the C.I.A. had planned to use the contractors to actually capture or kill Al Qaeda operatives, or just to help with training and surveillance in the program.»[98] Jeremy Scahill reported in The Nation in November 2009 that Blackwater operated alongside the CIA in Pakistan in «snatch and grab» operations targeting senior members of the Taliban and Al Qaeda. The report cited an unnamed source who has worked on covert U.S. military programs, who revealed that senior members of the Obama administration may not be aware that Blackwater is operating under a U.S. contract in Pakistan. A spokesman for Blackwater denied the claims, stating that they have «only one employee in Pakistan.»[101]

Role in the Iraq War[edit]

Contracts[edit]

Blackwater Worldwide played a substantial role during the Iraq War as a contractor for the United States government. In 2003, Blackwater attained its first high-profile contract when it received a $21 million no-bid contract for guarding the head of the Coalition Provisional Authority, L. Paul Bremer.[102] Since June 2004, Blackwater has been paid more than $320 million out of a $1 billion, five-year State Department budget for the Worldwide Personal Protective Service, which protects U.S. officials and some foreign officials in conflict zones.[103]

In 2006, Blackwater was awarded a contract to protect diplomats for the U.S. embassy in Iraq, the largest American embassy in the world. It is estimated by the Pentagon and company representatives that there are 20,000 to 30,000 armed security contractors working in Iraq, and some estimates are as high as 100,000, though no official figures exist.[103][104] Of the State Department’s dependence on private contractors like Blackwater for security purposes, U.S. ambassador to Iraq Ryan Crocker told the U.S. Senate: «There is simply no way at all that the State Department’s Bureau of Diplomatic Security could ever have enough full-time personnel to staff the security function in Iraq. There is no alternative except through contracts.»[105][106]

For work in Iraq, the company has drawn contractors from their international pool of professionals, a database containing «21,000 former Special Forces operatives, soldiers, and retired law enforcement agents,» overall.[88] For instance, Gary Jackson, the firm’s president, has confirmed that Bosnians, Filipinos, and Chileans «have been hired for tasks ranging from airport security to protecting Paul Bremer, the head of the Coalition Provisional Authority.»[107] Between 2005 and September 2007, Blackwater security staff were involved in 195 shooting incidents; in 163 of those cases, Blackwater personnel fired first.[108] Erik Prince points out that the company followed the orders of United States government officials, who frequently put his men in harm’s way. Many of the shootings occurred after drivers in vehicles failed to stop when ordered by Blackwater guards.[109]

According to former CIA directory Michael Hayden, Blackwater, among other security contractors, were allowed to perform waterboarding on suspects.[110] Leaks in 2009 suggest CIA — Blackwater contracts to assassinate al-Qaida leaders.[111]

Nisour Square Massacre[edit]

The Iraqi Government revoked Blackwater’s license to operate in Iraq on September 17, 2007, after a massacre in Nisour Square, Baghdad in which Blackwater contractors were later convicted of killing 17 Iraqi civilians.[112][113] The deaths occurred while a Blackwater Private Security Detail (PSD) was escorting a convoy of U.S. State Department vehicles en route to a meeting in western Baghdad with United States Agency for International Development officials. The license was reinstated by the American government in April 2008, but in early 2009 the Iraqis announced that they had refused to extend that license.[114] In 2009, FBI investigators were unable to match the bullets from the shooting to those guns carried by Blackwater contractors, leaving open the possibility that insurgents also fired at the victims.[115] In a 2010 interview, Erik Prince, the company’s founder, said the government is looking for dirt to support what he dismissed as «baseless» accusations that run the gamut from negligence, racial discrimination, prostitution, wrongful death, murder, and the smuggling of weapons into Iraq in dog-food containers. He pointed out that current and former executives have been regularly deposed by federal agencies.[116] Prince argued in September 2007 that there was a «rush to judgment» about Blackwater, due to «inaccurate information.”

Fallujah and Najaf[edit]

On March 31, 2004, Iraqi insurgents in Fallujah ambushed two SUVs, killing the four armed Blackwater contractors inside.[117] Local residents hung the charred bodies above a bridge across the Euphrates.[118] In response, U.S. Marines attacked the city in Operation Vigilant Resolve,[119] which became the first Battle of Fallujah. In the fall of 2007, a congressional report by the House Oversight Committee found that Blackwater intentionally «delayed and impeded» investigations into the contractors’ deaths. The report also acknowledges that members of the now-defunct Iraqi Civil Defense Corps «led the team into the ambush, facilitated blocking positions to prevent the team’s escape, and then disappeared.»[120] Intelligence reports concluded that Ahmad Hashim Abd al-Isawi was the mastermind behind the attack, and he was captured after a Navy SEAL special operation in 2009.[121] al-Isawi was ultimately handed over to Iraqi authorities for trial and executed by hanging some time before November 2013.[122]

In April 2004, at the U.S. government’s headquarters in Najaf, hundreds of Shiite militia forces barraged Blackwater contractors, four MPs and a Marine gunner with rocket-propelled grenades and AK-47 fire for hours before U.S. Special Forces troops arrived. As supplies and ammunition ran low, a team of Blackwater contractors 70 miles (113 km) away flew to the compound to resupply and bring an injured U.S. Marine back to safety outside of the city.[123]

Baghdad[edit]

On February 16, 2005, four Blackwater guards escorting a U.S. State Department convoy in Iraq fired 70 rounds into a car. The guards stated that they felt threatened when the driver ignored orders to stop as he approached the convoy. The fate of the car’s driver was unknown because the convoy did not stop after the shooting. An investigation by the State Department’s Diplomatic Security Service concluded that the shooting was not justified and that the Blackwater employees provided false statements to investigators. The statements claimed that one of the Blackwater vehicles had been hit by insurgent gunfire, but the investigation concluded that one of the Blackwater guards had actually fired into his own vehicle by accident. John Frese, the U.S. embassy in Iraq’s top security official, declined to punish Blackwater or the security guards because he believed any disciplinary actions would lower the morale of the Blackwater contractors.[124]

On February 6, 2006, a sniper employed by Blackwater Worldwide opened fire from the roof of the Iraqi Justice Ministry, killing three guards working for the state-funded Iraqi Media Network. Many Iraqis at the scene said that the guards had not fired on the Justice Ministry. The U.S. State Department said, however, that their actions «fell within approved rules governing the use of force» based on information obtained from Blackwater guards.[125]

In 2006, a car accident occurred in the Baghdad Green Zone when an SUV driven by Blackwater USA contractors crashed into a U.S. Army Humvee. «The colonel … said the Blackwater guards disarmed the soldiers and forced them to lie on the ground at gunpoint until they could disentangle their vehicles.»[126]

On December 24, 2006, a security guard of the Iraqi vice president, Adel Abdul Mahdi, was shot and killed while on duty outside the Iraqi prime minister’s compound. The Iraqi government has accused Andrew J. Moonen, a Blackwater employee at the time, of killing him while drunk. Moonen was subsequently fired by Blackwater for «violating alcohol and firearm policy», and travelled from Iraq to the United States days after the incident.[127] The DOJ investigated and announced in 2010 that they were declining to prosecute Moonen, citing a likely affirmative defense of self-defense and high standards for initiating such a prosecution. The United States State Department and Blackwater USA had attempted to keep his identity secret for security reasons.[128][129][130]

Five Blackwater contractors were killed on January 23, 2007, in Iraq when their Hughes H-6 helicopter was shot down on Baghdad’s Haifa Street. The crash site was secured by a personal security detail, callsign «Jester» from 1/26 Infantry, 1st Infantry Division. Three insurgents claimed to be responsible for shooting down the helicopter, although this has not been confirmed by the United States. A U.S. defense official has confirmed that four of the five killed were shot execution style in the back of the head, but did not know whether the four had survived the crash.[131][132]

In late May 2007, Blackwater contractors opened fire on the streets of Baghdad twice in two days, one of the incidents provoking a standoff between the security contractors and Iraqi Interior Ministry commandos, according to U.S. and Iraqi officials. The first incident occurred when a Blackwater-protected convoy was ambushed in downtown Baghdad. The following incident occurred when an Iraqi vehicle drove too close to a convoy. However, according to incident testimony, the Blackwater guards tried to wave off the driver, shouted, fired a warning shot into the car’s radiator, finally shooting into the car’s windshield.[104] On May 30, 2007, Blackwater employees shot an Iraqi civilian said to have been «driving too close» to a State Department convoy that was being escorted by Blackwater contractors.[133] Following the incident, the Iraqi government allowed Blackwater to provide security by operating within the streets of Iraq.[134]

Documents obtained from the Iraq War documents leak of 2010 argue that Blackwater employees committed serious abuses in Iraq, including killing civilians.[135]

Other incidents[edit]

On April 21, 2005, six Blackwater USA independent contractors were killed in Iraq when their Mil Mi-8 Hip helicopter was shot down. Also killed were three Bulgarian crewmembers and two Fijian gunners. Initial reports indicated that the helicopter was shot down by rocket propelled grenades.[136]

In 2007, the U.S. government investigated whether Blackwater employees smuggled weapons into Iraq.[137] No charges were filed.

On August 21, 2007, Blackwater Manager Daniel Carroll threatened to kill Jean Richter, a U.S. State Department Investigator, in Iraq.[138] In June 2014, a New York Times investigation reported that it had secured an internal State Department memo stating this. Richter later returned from Iraq to the U.S. and wrote a scathing review of the lax standards to which Blackwater was held accountable, only two weeks before a serious Blackwater incident in which 17 Iraqi civilians were shot and killed by Blackwater employees under questionable circumstances. The death threat incident was confirmed by a second investigator, a Mr. Thomas, who was also present at the meeting. The shooting incident that followed has been described by some as a «watershed» moment, and a factor which contributed to Iraq’s later decision to refuse to allow U.S. troops to stay beyond 2011.[139]

Prosecution[edit]

U.S. Congress[edit]

On October 2, 2007, Erik Prince attended a congressional hearing conducted by the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform following the controversy related to Blackwater’s conduct in Iraq and Afghanistan.[140][141] Blackwater hired the public relations firm BKSH & Associates Worldwide, a subsidiary of Burson-Marsteller, to help Prince prepare for his testimony at the hearing. Robert Tappan, a former U.S. State Department official who worked for the Coalition Provisional Authority in Baghdad, was one of the executives handling the account.[142][143][144] Burson-Marsteller was brought aboard by McDermott Will & Emery and Crowell & Moring, the Washington law firms representing Blackwater.[142] BKSH, a self-described «bipartisan» firm (Hillary Clinton, when pursuing the Democratic presidential nomination, was also a client), is headed by Charlie Black, a prominent Republican political strategist and former chief spokesman for the Republican National Committee, and Scott Pastrick, former treasurer of the Democratic National Committee.[145]

In his testimony before Congress, Prince said his company has a lack of remedies to deal with employee misdeeds. When asked why Andrew Moonen had been «whisked out of the country» after the shooting death of the vice-presidential guard, he replied, «We can’t flog him, we can’t incarcerate him.»[146] When asked by a member of Congress for financial information about his company, Prince declined to provide documentation, saying «we’re a private company, and there’s a key word there – private.»[147] Later he stated that the company could provide it at a future date if questions were submitted in writing.[148][149] When the term «mercenaries» was used to describe Blackwater employees, Prince objected, characterizing them as «loyal Americans.»[150]

A staff report compiled by the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform on behalf of Representative Henry Waxman questioned the cost-effectiveness of using Blackwater forces instead of U.S. troops. Blackwater charges the government $1,222 per day per guard, «equivalent to $445,000 per year, or six times more than the cost of an equivalent U.S. soldier,» the report alleged.[151] During his testimony on Capitol Hill, Erik Prince disputed this figure, saying that it costs money for the government to train a soldier, to house and feed them, they don’t just come prepared to fight. «That sergeant doesn’t show up naked and untrained,» Prince stated. Moreover, he pointed out that Blackwater’s employees are trained in special operations and exceed the capabilities of the average soldier.[151][152]

In the wake of Prince’s testimony before Congress, the U.S. House passed the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act in October 2007 that subsequently led to the prosecution by U.S. courts of some U.S. military contractors, but only for incidents involving attacks on U.S. nationals.[153] The legal status of Blackwater and other security firms in Iraq was a subject of contention.[154] Two days before he left Iraq, L. Paul Bremer signed «Order 17» giving all Americans associated with the CPA and the American government immunity from Iraqi law.[155][156] A July 2007 report from the American Congressional Research Service indicates that the Iraqi government still has no authority over private security firms contracted by the U.S. government.[157] On October 5, 2007, the State Department announced new rules for Blackwater’s armed guards operating in Iraq. Under the new guidelines, State Department security agents will accompany all Blackwater units operating in and around Baghdad. The State Department will also install video surveillance equipment in all Blackwater armored vehicles, and will keep recordings of all radio communications between Blackwater convoys in Iraq and the military and civilian agencies that supervise their activities.[158]

In December 2008, a U.S. State Department panel recommended that Xe should be dropped as the main private security contractor for U.S. diplomats in Iraq.[159]

On January 30, 2009, the State Department told Blackwater Worldwide that it will not renew its contract in Iraq.[160] However, in 2010 it was awarded a $100 million contract from the CIA.[116]

Regardless of these developments, Xe defended its work in Iraq. A company spokeswoman stated: «When the US government initially asked for our help to assist with an immediate need to protect Americans in Iraq, we answered the call and performed well. We are proud of our success – no-one under our protection has been killed or even seriously wounded.»[161]

In August 2010, the company agreed to pay a $42 million fine to settle allegations that it unlawfully provided armaments and military equipment overseas. However, the company is still allowed to accept government contracts.[162] The settlement and fine conclude a U.S. State Department investigation that began in 2007.

Iraqi courts[edit]

On September 23, 2007, the Iraqi government said that it expects to refer criminal charges to its courts in connection with the Blackwater shootings.[163] However, on October 29, 2007, immunity from prosecution was granted by the U.S. State Department, delaying a criminal inquiry into the September 16 shootings of 17 Iraqi civilians.[164] Immediately afterwards, the Iraqi government approved a draft law to end any and all immunity for foreign military contractors in Iraq, to overturn Order 17. The U.S. Department of Justice also said any immunity deals offered to Blackwater employees were invalid, as the department that issued them had no authority to do so.[165] It is unclear what legal status Blackwater Worldwide operates under in the U.S. and other countries, or what protection the U.S. extends to Blackwater Worldwide’s operations globally.[166] A number of Iraqi families took Blackwater to court over alleged «random killings committed by private Blackwater guards».[167]

Legal specialists say that the U.S. government is unlikely to allow a trial in the Iraqi courts, because there is little confidence that trials would be fair. Contractors accused of crimes abroad could be tried in the United States under either military or civilian law; however, the applicable military law, the Uniform Code of Military Justice, was changed in 2006, and appears to now exempt State Department contractors that provide security escorts for a civilian agency. Prosecution under civilian law would be through the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act, which allows the extension of federal law to civilians supporting military operations; however, according to the deputy assistant attorney general in the Justice Department’s criminal division, Robert Litt, trying a criminal case in federal court would require a secure chain of evidence, with police securing the crime scene immediately, while evidence gathered by Iraqi investigators would be regarded as suspect.[166]

The Iraqi government announced that Blackwater must leave Iraq as soon as a joint Iraqi–U.S. committee finishes drafting the new guidelines on private contractors under the current Iraqi–U.S. security agreement.[168] On January 31, 2009, the U.S. State Department notified Blackwater that the agency would not renew its security contract with the company.[169] The Washington Times reported on March 17, 2009, that the U.S. State Department had extended its Iraq security contract with Blackwater’s air operations arm, Presidential Airways, to September 3, 2009, for a cost of $22.2 million.[170]

On January 31, 2010, three current and former U.S. government officials confirmed the Justice Department is investigating whether officials of Blackwater Worldwide tried to bribe Iraqi government officials in hopes of retaining the firm’s security work in Iraq after the shooting in Nisour Square in Baghdad, which left 17 Iraqis dead and stoked bitter resentment against the United States. The officials said that the Justice Department’s fraud section opened the inquiry late in 2009 to determine whether Blackwater employees violated a federal law banning American corporations from paying bribes to foreign officials.[171] In 2012 the Department of Justice closed the investigation without filing any charges.[172]

Lawsuits[edit]

In the March 2004 court case Helvenston et al. v. Blackwater Security, Blackwater was sued by the families of four contractors killed in Fallujah. The families said they were suing not for financial damages, but for the details of their sons’ and husbands’ deaths, saying that Blackwater had refused to supply these details, and that in its «zeal to exploit this unexpected market for private security men,» the company «showed a callous disregard for the safety of its employees.»[103] On February 7, 2007, four family members testified in front of the House Government Reform Committee. They asked that Blackwater be held accountable for future negligence of employees’ lives, and that federal legislation be drawn up to govern contracts between the Department of Defense and defense contractors.[103] Blackwater then countersued the lawyer representing the empty estates of the deceased for $10 million on the grounds the lawsuit was contractually prohibited from ever being filed.[173] In January 2011, U.S. district judge James C. Fox dismissed the suit.[174][175][176]

On November 27, 2004, an aircraft operated by Presidential Airways and owned by its sister company, Blackwater AWS, crashed in Afghanistan; it had been a contract flight for the United States Air Force en route from Bagram to Farah. Three soldiers and three civilian crew members aboard the plane were killed. Several relatives of the victims filed a wrongful death lawsuit against Presidential in October 2005.[77][177][178]

On October 11, 2007, the Center for Constitutional Rights filed suit against Blackwater under the Alien Tort Claims Act on behalf of an injured Iraqi and the families of three of the 17 Iraqis killed by Blackwater employees during the September 16, 2007, Blackwater Baghdad shootings.[179] The suit, Abtan v. Blackwater, alleged that Blackwater had engaged in war crimes, created a «culture of lawlessness», and routinely deployed employees who used steroids and other psychoactive drugs.[180]

In June 2009, an amended lawsuit was filed in U.S. District Court in Alexandria, Virginia, alleging that Blackwater employees shot and killed three members of an Iraqi family, including a nine-year-old boy, who were traveling from the Baghdad airport to Baghdad on July 1, 2007. The suit further accused Blackwater employees of murder, weapons smuggling, money laundering, tax evasion, and child prostitution.[181] Two affidavits filed as part of the suit by former employees accuse Blackwater of encouraging the murder of Iraqi civilians, and of murdering or having murdered employees who intended to testify against the company.[182][183] The lawsuit was ultimately settled confidentially in 2010, with plaintiffs accepting cash payments from the company.[184]

Federal prosecution[edit]

In August 2012, the company agreed to pay $7.5 million in fines, without admitting guilt, to the U.S. government to settle various charges involving pre-Academi personnel. February 2013, the majority of the remaining charges were dropped when it was shown that, in many cases, the Blackwater employees had been acting under the orders of the U.S. government.[185][186][187][188] Once the court decision had been finalized, Academi pointed out that «[t]he court decision involves former Blackwater executives, none of whom have ever worked for ACADEMI or the current ownership.»[189]

After the Nisour Square killings of 17 Iraqi civilians and the injury of 20 more by Blackwater convoy guards in a Baghdad traffic circle in September 2007, charges were brought against five guards. One pleaded guilty to a lesser offense in exchange for his testimony for the prosecution. Three were eventually convicted in October 2014 of 14 manslaughter charges and in April 2015 sentenced to 30 years plus one day in prison. These sentences were deemed unfair upon appeal and these three await resentencing. Another was convicted of murder and sentenced to life in prison; however, this verdict was overturned in August 2017.[190]

On December 22, 2020, U.S. President Donald Trump pardoned four former Blackwater contractors serving long prison terms: Nicholas Slatten, Paul Slough, Evan Liberty and Dustin Heard. The pardons do not establish innocence; however, they were criticised, both in the U.S. and in Iraq, as condoning killing of innocent civilians.[191][192]

See also[edit]

  • Arms industry
  • Executive Outcomes
  • International Stability Operations Association
  • Prince Foundation
  • Shadow Company
  • Wagner Group — Russian private military company
  • Mozart Group — American military volunteer group in Ukraine

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Further reading[edit]

Books[edit]

  • Singer, P. W. (2003). Corporate Warriors: The Rise of the Privatized Military Industry. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New York, ISBN 0-8014-4114-5.
  • Pelton, Robert Young (2006). Licensed to Kill: Hired Guns in the War on Terror. Crown Books, New York, ISBN 1-4000-9781-9. Extensive material on Blackwater in Prologue and Chapter 2, «The New Breed», Chapter 5, «The Blackwater Bridge», Chapter 6, «Under Siege», which discusses Blackwater at An Najaf, Chapter 7, «The Dog Track and the Swamp», which chronicles Pelton’s visits to Blackwater training facilities, one of which is a dog track, Chapter 8, «Running the Gauntlet», and Chapter 11, «The Lord and the Prince», partly about Erik Prince.
  • Scahill, Jeremy (2007). Blackwater: The Rise of the World’s Most Powerful Mercenary Army.
  • Simons, Suzanne (2009) Master of War: Blackwater USA’s Erik Prince and the Business of War. New York: Collins. ISBN 978-0-06-165135-9. OCLC 262884160.
  • Umar, Asim (2009). Dajjal Ka Lashkar: Black Water (transl. Army of Anti-Christ: the Black Water). OCLC 716058823

Articles[edit]

  • John M. Broder, «Report Says Firm Sought To Cover Iraq Shootings,» The New York Times, October 2, 2007.
  • John M. Broder, «Chief Of Blackwater Defends His Employees,» The New York Times, October 3, 2007.
  • John M. Broder, «Ex-Paratrooper Is Suspect In Killing Of Iraqi,» New York Times, October 4, 2007.
  • Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, United States House of Representatives, «Additional Information about Blackwater USA,» Committee memorandum, October 1, 2007.
  • Karen DeYoung, «Other Killings by Blackwater Staff Detailed,» Washington Post, Oct 2, 20007.
  • James Glanz and Alissa J. Rubin, «From Errand to Fatal Shot to Hail of Fire to 17 Deaths,» The New York Times, October 3, 2007.
  • Marybeth Laguna, «My Husband was a Blackwater Hero,» Washington Post, November 30, 2008.
  • Robert Young Pelton, «Erik Prince, an American Commando in Exile,» Men’s Journal, November 1, 2010.
  • Ralph Peters, «Trouble For Hire: The Mercenaries Who Murder In Your Name,» New York Post, September 30, 2007.
  • Sudarsan Raghavan, «Tracing The Paths Of 5 Who Died In A Storm Of Gunfire,» Washington Post, October 4, 2007.
  • James Risen, «Before Shooting in Iraq, a Warning on Blackwater,» The New York Times, June 29, 2014.
  • Eric Schmitt, «Report Details Shooting By Drunken Blackwater Worker,» New York Times, October 2, 2007.

External links[edit]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Academi.

  • Official website

Media[edit]

  • Shadow Company: documentary film directed and written by Nick Bicanic. The only film with footage of Blackwater employees training and operating in Iraq
  • «Private Warriors» episode of Frontline (June 21, 2005), includes piece on Blackwater USA
Источник

Эмблема компании Blackwater

Эмблема компании Blackwater

Название американской частной военной компании Blackwater уже стало почти нарицательным. Оно первым приходит на ум по­литику, эксперту, правозащитнику или журналисту, если нужно подобрать синоним для эвфемизма «частная армия», при этом в самом негативном контексте. И даже то, что компания два раза сменила название и теперь называется Academi, ей не помогло, она так и осталась для всех Blackwater. Слишком уж велика ее скандальная слава. Создатель компании Эрик Принс пытался сде­лать из нее новую Executive Outcomes, копируя агрессивный стиль южноафриканской ЧВК. Политически эта попытка была обречена на провал, компании не дали превратиться в самостоятельную во­енную силу, какой была ЕО, но в финансовом плане успехи Асаdemi-Blackwater очевидны.

ЗАРОЖДЕНИЕ BLACKWATER

Эрик Принс родился в 1969 году в Холланде (Мичиган) в семье бывшего пилота, миллионера Эдгара Принса, который владел кор­порацией по производству автозапчастей. Отец, как и большинст­во жителей Холланда, был кальвинистом — яростным приверженцем голландской реформаторской церкви и консерватором. Боготворивший своего отца, Эрик решил стать пилотом военно-морской авиации, однако ушел со второго курса Академии ВМС, так как совершенно не мог следовать правилам и подчиняться. Изучал экономику, но все же вернулся в армию и, получив лейте­нантское звание, стал «морским котиком» в команде «8», где встретил большинство своих будущих партнеров по Blackwater.

Но в 1995 году умер глава семейства Принсов, и семья продала отцовскую корпорацию за 1,35 млрд долларов. Эрик Принс пере­шел в католичество, а на часть своей доли от наследства, по совету своего инструктора по стрельбе в отряде «котиков», решил в мае 1998 года открыть тренировочный центр по стрельбе Blackwater в Мойоке (Северная Каролина), что недалеко от крупнейшей военно-морской базы в Норфолке. У флота не было своих стрельбищ, и он арендовал их у армии. Принс вложил в этот проект 6,5 млн. долла­ров. Здесь начали тренироваться «морские котики» и офицеры ФБР, а в 2000 году компания выиграла правительственный контракт на проведение тренировочных курсов по темам «личная охрана», «ближний бой», «защита судов», «спасение заложников».

Через не­сколько лет стрельбище в Мойоке превратилось в огромный трени­ровочный город. 28 кв. км — городские улицы для имитации город­ских боев, тренажеры, стрельбища, полосы препятствий, автотреки и полигоны. Здесь одновременно могут тренироваться 40 тысяч бойцов. В апреле 2007 года был открыт еще один небольшой (32 га) тренировочный центр недалеко от Чикаго.

BLACKWATER СТАНОВИТСЯ ЧАСТНОЙ ВОЕННОЙ КОМПАНИЕЙ

Охранники Blackwater во время выполнения контракта с компанией

Охранники Blackwater во время выполнения контракта с компанией «Монсанто»

Причиной взлета фирмы стала сентябрьская террористическая атака Всемирного торгового центра. Еще раньше отставной опера­тивник ЦРУ Джейми Смит предложил Принсу переформатировать его компанию в ЧВК, учитывая все возрастающий спрос на такие фирмы. Но лишь после 11 сентября 2001 года Принс понял, что те­перь появилась настоящая перспектива, и предложил Смиту пост ви­це-президента. По стечению обстоятельств, друг Смита А. Б. «Баззи» Кронгард стал исполнительным директором ЦРУ. В итоге без конку­рентной борьбы одно из подразделений компании — фирма Blackwater Security Consulting (BSC) получила шестимесячный контракт (5,4 млн.. долларов) на охрану сотрудников ЦРУ, которые начали соз­давать разведывательную сеть в Афганистане и охотились за бен Ла­деном. В мае 2002 года отряд из 20 наемников высадился в аэропорту Баграм, с ними прибыл в Афганистан и Эрик Принс.

Есть информация, что Кронгард не только был другом Смита, но и хорошо знал семью Принсов, однако причина успеха, види­мо, в хороших связях с Республиканской партией, на избиратель­ные кампании республиканцев Принс не раз передавал крупные суммы, в том числе 80 тысяч на предвыборную кампанию Джорд­жа Буша-младшего.

По истечении шести месяцев ЦРУ контракт не продлило. Офи­циальная причина — компания ни разу не выполнила поставлен­ные задачи вовремя. Однако, скорее всего, это произошло из-за конфликта  интересов  между  Принсом  и  «Баззи»  Кронгардом.

Джейми Смит оставил Blackwater и основал собственную ЧВК SCG International Risk.

BLACKWATER В ИРАКЕ И НЕ ТОЛЬКО

Контракты на охрану госслужащих

Тренировка бойцов Blackwater в Багдаде

Тренировка бойцов Blackwater в Багдаде

Второй шанс компания получила уже в Ираке. Созданную в мае 2003 года Временную коалиционную администрацию возгла­вил дипломат Пол Бремер. Все контракты на охрану служащих Госдепартамента находились в ведении компании DynCorp, но в этот раз DynCorp наняла по субконтракту Blackwater, заплатив ей 21,3 млн. долларов.

Охранная команда Пола Бремера от Blackwater включала 36 личных охранников, две команды собак для поиска мин, три бро­нированных машины Mamba, броневик Saracen; три вертолета Boeing MD-530 Little Bird, двухмоторный транспортник CASA212. Личный состав авиагруппы — четыре пилота, четыре пулеметчи­ка, команда наземного обслуживания. Таким образом, появился прецедент в современной военной истории, когда гражданский глава оккупационных властей получил в свое распоряжение ма­ленькую частную армию. По некоторым данным, повстанцы объя­вили цену за каждого убитого сотрудника Blackwater — 30 тысяч долларов.

В июле 2004 года Blackwater вместе с DynCorp International и Triple Canopy получила двухгодичный контракт от Госдепартамента на охрану сотрудников дипломатических миссий США в Ираке, Аф­ганистане, Боснии и Израиле. Доля Blackwater — 488 млн. долларов. В 2006 году контракт был продлен, однако для дипмиссии в Ираке. Blackwater, в частности, взял под охрану посольство США в Ба­гдаде.

Боевые действия в Фаллудже

Всемирно известной компания стала после инцидента 31 марта 2004 года в Фаллудже. Четыре ее сотрудника погибли во взорван­ной машине, и разъяренная толпа таскала их останки перед теле­объективами, а затем повесила на городском мосту. Blackwater ох­раняла там конвои немецкой продовольственной компании Eurest Support Services. И несмотря на то, что погибшие были граждан­скими лицами, 6-тысячная группировка Корпуса морской пехоты США при мощной артиллерийской и авиационной поддержке 5 ап­реля начала операцию возмездия под названием «Бдительная ре­шимость». Столкнувшись с очень серьезным сопротивлением суннитских партизанских формирований, американцы вынуждены бы­ли затянуть операцию, которая продлилась до конца месяца, а затем и вовсе отойти.

Они заключили соглашение со старейшинами Фаллуджи о формировании местной вооруженной американским оружи­ем бригады для контроля за ситуацией. В ходе этого сражения погиб­ли около 700 мирных жителей. Потери американских войск — 27 убитых и раненых, противник потерял более 200 бойцов. Город фактически остался в руках суннитских партизан. А Фаллуджийская бригада развалилась, ее оружие попало к повстанцам. Взять город под контроль американские войска с помощью британских и ирак­ских союзников смогли взять лишь в ноябре, проведя операцию «Ярость призрака», в ходе которой применялись запрещенные Кон­венцией ООН фосфорные бомбы. Потери союзников — 107 убитых (из них 95 американцев) и более 600 раненых. Потери боевиков — до 1,5 тысяч убитых, примерно столько было взято в плен. Мирных жи­телей погибло не менее тысячи.

Атака в Наджафе

Бойцы Blackwater участвуют в перестрелке. Ирак, 2004 г.

Бойцы Blackwater участвуют в перестрелке в Ираке, 2004 г.

4 апреля 2004 года в Наджафе штаб ВКА, который охраняли восемь бойцов Blackwater Security Consalting, атаковали несколько сот шиитских боевиков. Вместе с четырьмя американскими поли­цейскими и пулеметчиком морской пехоты США наемники орга­низовали оборону на крыше и отбивали атаку за атакой. При этом расположенные рядом испанский и сальвадорский контингенты отказались вступить в бой. Не было и огневой поддержки армей­ской авиации США. Лишь вертолеты компании доставили боеприпасы и забрали раненого морпеха. Бой продолжался почти су­тки, повстанцы отступили, после того как прибыл американский спецназ. Потери Blackwater — трое раненых. На следующий день американский командующий в Ираке Риккардо Санчес объявил благодарность, всем участникам этого боя, включая сальвадор­цев и испанцев, кроме… бойцов Blackwater.

Гражданские миссии

До 200 сотрудников компании участвовали в ликвидации по­следствий знаменитого урагана «Катрина» в сентябре 2005 года. Они проводили с спасательные операции, поддерживали порядок в разрушенном Новом Орлеане. Причем работали они как по контракту с министерством внутренней безопасности США, так и с частными клиентами. По некоторым данным, день работы компании в зоне бедствия обходился американским налогоплательщи­кам в 240 тысяч долларов.

«Дурная слава» Blackwater

Но по-настоящему всемирная «слава» пришла к Blackwater че­рез три года. 16 сентября 2007 года сотрудники компании, охра­нявшие дипломатический конвой Госдепа США, на центральной площади Багдада устроили перестрелку, которая закончилась гибелью семнадцати и ранением восемнадцати мирных иракцев (среди пострадавших были дети).

После этой трагедии компания была лишена лицензии на веде­ние своей деятельности на одну неделю. Иракское правительство попыталось выдворить ЧВК из страны, но безуспешно. Однако правительство США отказалось продлевать договор с Blackwater, передав его Triple Canopy. Расследование обстоятельств багдад­ской бойни выявило, что сотрудники компании с 2005 года по 2007 год участвовали в 195 перестрелках, и в 84% случаев они от­крывали огонь первыми. В декабре 2006 года пьяный боец Blackwater застрелил охранника вице-президента Ирака и был за это всего лишь выслан из страны.

Охранная компания или мини-армия?

В 2008 году доход компании превысил триллион долларов. Авиафлот ее составили более 20 вертолетов, включая ударные, сотни единиц легкой бронетехники — от бронированных джипов HMMWV до бронетранспортеров Saracen. Компания разработала собственную форму для сотрудников. Активно разрабатывала и про­изводила серийно вооружения и военную технику, в том числе и бес­пилотные летательные аппараты. Самые известные разработки — переделанный в самолет огневой поддержки транспортник CASA212 и высокоскоростной броневик для городского боя Grizzly.

РЕОРГАНИЗАЦИИ BLACKWATER И УХОД ЭРИКА ПРИНСА

В феврале 2009 года руководство компании объявило о реорга­низации и смене названия, теперь она стала называться Хе Ser­vices LLC. А через месяц Принс ушел с поста гендиректора ком­пании, в декабре 2010 года продал все свои акции, однако сохранил за собой право на название компании Blackwater. При­чины своего ухода он так и не раскрыл, но, очевидно, помимо це­лой серии скандальных обвинений и исков (только за нарушения Закона об экспорте вооружений компания заплатила 42 млн. дол­ларов штрафов), их стоит искать в том, что Принсу и руководству Blackwater не удалось достичь главной цели — сделать компанию полноценной «частной армией по вызову».

Гэри Джексон — быв­ший инструктор «Дельты» и тогдашний президент Blackwater за­являл открыто, что они могут развернуть оперативную группу батальонного уровня, укомплектованную тяжелой техникой и штурмовой авиацией, в любой точке мира и имеют все возможно­сти заменить военных, если потребуется. Например, в суданском Дарфуре, если удастся договориться с ООН, они готовы развер­нуть миротворческую бригаду. Но дать такую самостоятельность ЧВК в правительстве США и в руководстве ООН не решились, особенно после ее иракских «подвигов».

В 2010 году группа американских инвесторов приобрела трениро­вочный центр в Мойоке. Компания вновь изменила название, став Academi.

ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТЬ ПРИНСА ПОСЛЕ РАЗРЫВА С BLACKWATER

Эрик Принс уехал в Объединенные Арабские Эмираты, где возглавил руководство ЧВК Saracen International, занимавшейся обу­чением местных силовиков в сомалийском Пунтленде и подготовкой телохранителей президента центрального правительства в Могади­шо, которое контролировало только несколько столичных кварталов. Но уже через год Saracen пришлось уйти из Сомали из-за обвинений в нарушении эмбарго на поставки оружия. Надо отметить, что, еще будучи гендиректором Blackwater, Эрик Принс отмечал большие пер­спективы для «военных частников» на фронте борьбы с сомалийски­ми пиратами. Blackwater предлагала клиентам в наем для работы в сомалийских водах фактически свой боевой корабль — специально переоборудованное бывшее гидрографическое судно McArthur с двумя вертолетами MD 530, но безуспешно.

В Аденском заливе и в районе Африканского Рога сейчас дей­ствуют более 140 крупных и мелких компаний, занимаясь и со­провождением кораблей (обычно три охранника на судне по цене 21 тысяча долларов в день), и переговорами по передаче выкупов за захваченные суда и экипажи. Сообщество лондонских судовых страховщиков пыталось даже сформировать флотилию из 18 бы­строходных небольших судов, вооруженных крупнокалиберными пулеметами, с экипажами из ЧВК (по восемь бойцов).

В 2012 году после неудачного завершения сомалийского кон­тракта Эрик Принс через еще одну свою фирму Reflex Responses подписал контракт в 529 миллионов долларов с правительством ОАЭ на формирование классического батальона иностранных на­емников численностью 800 бойцов, а также чтобы «оказывать со­действие в сборе разведывательной информации, в вопросах безо­пасности, борьбы с терроризмом и подавления любого рода беспорядков». Правительство ОАЭ пошло на этот шаг, понимая, что не может положиться на свои вооруженные силы, когда кру­гом бушуют арабские революции.

Расширяя географию своей клиентуры, в 2013 году Принс стал консультантом китайских ЧВК и их клиентов, которые заинтересова­ны в инвестициях в добычу полезных ископаемых на африканском континенте — бокситов, меди, золота, олова и так далее. Для этого он создал военную консалтинговую компанию Frontier Services Group (FSG), штаб-квартира которой находится в Гонконге. Эта компания предоставляет услуги по кризисному менеджменту, логистике и авиационной поддержке фирмам, работающим в Африке. FSG рабо­тает в тесном контакте с китайской государственной компанией CITIC Group, которая «стоит» 12 млрд долларов, ее 44 офиса разбро­саны по всему миру, банки CITIC Group, помимо Гонконга, находятся в США, Канаде, Австралии и Новой Зеландии.

ACADEMI – ПРАВОПРЕЕМНИЦА BLACKWATER

Что касается Academi, то после ухода Принса и затихания целой серии скандалов эта компания продолжила работать на рынке безо­пасности. В 2010 году ее подразделение Blackwater Worldwide полу­чило контракт от ЦРУ на 100 млн. долларов, затем контракт продли­ли, увеличив его стоимость в 2,5 раза.

Правительство Греции, опасаясь, что в стране может начаться народное восстание, заключи­ло с Academi секретное соглашение, согласно которому сотрудники ЧВК должны были не только тренировать полицейские части, но и следить за внутренней обстановкой в греческой полиции. Греческое правительство не доверяло своим полицейским, в ряды которых про­никло немало боевиков из праворадикальной группировки «Золотой восход». В случае же действительного начала восстания бойцы ЧВК должны были присоединиться к силовым структурам в качестве третьей силы. В 2013 Госдепартамент США заключил контракт (92 млн. долларов) с другой «дочкой» Academi — компанией Interna­tional Development Solutions на охрану дипмиссий.

Новым этапом развития компании стало в 2014 году слияние со своим давним конкурентом Triple Canopy и вхождение в холдинг Constellis Holdings, Inc. (CHI), в который вошли и другие частные военные и охранные компании, в частности, Strategic Social, Tide­water Global Services и National Strategic Protective Services.

Однако скандалы продолжали сопровождать Blackwater-Academi. В 2014 году еще до начала боевых действий на Украине в прес­су просочились сведения о том, что ее дочерняя ЧВК Greystone Limited привлечена новым киевским правительством, пришедшим к власти в результате госпереворота, к подавлению нарастающих протестных настроений на востоке страны. Об этом сообщил некий источник в Службе безопасности Украины. По его словам, в страну прибыло триста сотрудников Greystone. Интересно, что это подразделение Blackwater создавалось именно как классическая ЧВК для предоставления тактической поддержки клиенту непосредственно на поле боя.

Из пресс-релиза Greystone: «Наши команды готовы проводить операции по стабилизации, защите и восстановлению прав владельцев на активы и имущество, экстренной эвакуации персонала». Все это проще перевести как боевые операции. Украинская история Greystone Limited имела очень серьезный резонанс, в том числе и на дипломатическом уровне. Документальных доказа­тельств присутствия на Юго-Востоке Украины сотрудников ЧВК так и не было представлено. Однако свидетельств тому, что в рядах Национальной гвардии и добровольческих батальонов Украины действовали самые обыкновенные наемники из самых разных стран, было великое множество.

Контент данной страницы подготовлен для портала «Современная армия» по материалам книги И. Коновалова «Солдаты удачи и воины корпораций». При копировании контента, пожалуйста, не забудьте поставить ссылку на страницу-первоисточник.

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Blackwater (Блэкватер, Academi, Xe Services LLC, «Чёрная вода») — один из самых популярных в мире элитных кланов наёмников, который чуть менее популярен чем «Французский Иностранный легион»; американский ЧОП, точнее частная военная компания (в сраной рабской Пидорахе такие открывать запрещено), основанная в 1997 году Эриком Принсом и Элом Кларком для того, чтобы по заказам правительства СШП набегать на иракские караваны но уже без нашивок войск США и без всякой ответственности американских властей перед своими гражданами/налогоплательщиками (похороны солдат, почести и всё прочее подобное дерьмо).

Для многих подобных законных вооружённых формирований сабж является образцом для подражания. На 2015-ый год Academi является самой крупной частной военной компанией, если конечно косвенно не считать ИГИЛ, Аль-Каиду, армию Кадырова и прочие известные вооружённые формирования наёмников и частные армии. Штаб-квартира находится в Северной Каролине, округ Карритак, на территории общины Мойок. Судя по количеству денег на счетах компании и имеющегося в распоряжении оружия и техники Academi вполне могла бы, при помощи каких-нибудь других государств, безнаказанно отжать от США себе целую республику и существовать как знаменитый выдуманный 13-ый район в Париже или как море реальных республик на карте мира.

Основные прибыли Blackwater получает от участия в военных конфликтах, около 90 % выручки составляют правительственные заказы от госдепа США, а значит это грабежи арабских караванов, захват нефтяных месторождений, охрана огромных афганистанских наркотических плантаций, расстрелы местного непокорного населения, изнасилования четырнадцатилетних девочек и т. д., ну в общем всё как обычно.

Blackwater стало известным во время участия в Иракской войне в связи с убийствами мирного населения, контрабандой оружия и другими происшествиями, получившими широкую огласку в СМИ. Работники Academi так же участвовали в войне в Афганистане.

И школярской игре Warface вражеская группировка под схожим названием Blackwood является исчадием зла, что является прямой отсылкой к Blackwater.

Некоторые поговаривают, что армия США уже не та, а вот наёмники из Blackwater действительно знают своё дело. Оно и понятно ведь пока пьяная американская армия развлекается на захваченных землях, то есть массово насилует трахает местных европейских проституток и блюёт на клумбы в оккупированной американцами Европе, ребята из Academi занимаются настоящим делом — охраняют маковые плантации оккупированного американцами Афганистана и принуждают местное население выращивать исключительно наркотики.

Интересно то, что конвенцию ООН о наемниках подписало множество государств однако на деле все страны как и раньше тренируют своих наёмников. Франция как содержала Французский Иностранный легион так и содержит ибо окучивать свои африканские колонии обычной армией не желает. Американская Academi продолжает и дальше спокойно расстреливать непослушное местное население на оккупированных американцами территориях. Турция вообще отличилась — в открытую тренирует военные группировки, которые всеми странами ООН признаны террористическими. Просто всем откровенно похуй на то, что там кто-то за границей скажет, кто сильнее тот и прав. «Моя армия — мои правила. Всё, что не соответствует моей точке зрения — незаконно и должно быть пресечено!» Всяким общим резолюциям и конвенциям подчиняются только разные отстойные мелкие обоссатые страны гражданином которых быть просто противно.

Смешно когда гражданин какой-то мелкой вассальной недостраны пытается разговаривать с гражданином большой влиятельной страны и что-то ему ещё доказывать о мировых стандартах и конвенциях. Эти конвенции для рабов и вассалов мелких стран, поэтому разговаривать с гражданами этих стран свободным людям не о чем, просто обсосать рот да и всё. Большие страны играют только по свои правилам. Правила существуют и действуют для колоний и разных ассоциированных с кем-то стран находящихся под чьим-то протекторатом, то есть не обладающих полноценным суверенитетом.

Исследования боеспособности разных народов и национальностей от Blackwater[править]

Военная организация Blackwater естественно занимается исследованиями боеспособности разных народов в различных уголках мира. В рунете очень распространён рейтинг составленный одним из бывалых наёмников Blackwater.

Мнение одного из сотрудников Blackwater боеспособности разных подразделений и народов[править]

8. Африканские племена.
С ними воевать даже не интересно.
Стреляют беспорядочно, о прицельной стрельбе не знают.
Часто шпарят в землю себе под ноги.
Привычное дело попасть в своего.
Разбегаются в стороны, после нескольких жертв
или выстрела из танка. Рейтинг — мясо.

7. Африканские регуляры.
Отличаются от своих диких собратьев только наличием формы
и скромными навыками прицельной стрельбы.
Боеспособных против дикарей, но столкновение с более умелым
противником, даже арабами, приводит их в панику и бегство.
Действовать в гармонии с бронетехникой не умеют в принципе,
рейтинг — мясо в упаковке.

6. Арабы.
Наемники, повстанцы, многие регуляры…
Понятия тактики и стратегии для них так же далеки,
как прелести Саманты Фокс среднему пидорасу с берегов Сенны.
Их война — выстреливать в сторону противника ящики патронов, при этом крича во весь голос алаху-акбар,
зовя при этом в бар и периодически взрывая себя всем,
что попадает под руку. Впрочем, последнее не относится к регулярам,
они относительно молчаливы и дисциплинированы,
умеют пользоваться гранатами.
Трусливы, но не паникеры. Рейтинг — удобная мишень.

5. Американские регуляры.
Сколько фильмов снято о непобедимой американской армии…
Есть только одно НО.
Янки абсолютно не умеют воевать без артподготовки,
танков и авиаударов.
Если территория не была выжжена до состояния безлюдной пустыни,
солдаты туда не пойдут. А если идут, то назад не возвращаются.
Стреляют очень неплохо, отлично скоординированы,
но робеют перед любым сопротивлением.
После чего становятся лёгкой добычей.
Потери переживают тяжело, вплоть до полной потери боеспособности.
Трусы. Рейтинг — кусачие собаки.

4. Американские наемники.
Неплохие бойцы. Умеют действовать как командой,
так и в одиночку, прекрасные стрелки.
Встречаются отчаянные особи, с которыми справиться порой непросто.
Но у них есть очень слабое место — мораль.
И отсутствие мотивированности, кроме денег.
Трупу деньги не нужны, поэтому большинство из них не лезут туда,
где совсем горячо.
И всячески избегают первой линии огня.
Псы войны, если оценивать.

3. Азиаты.
С регулярами не сталкивался.
Наемники же способны доставить мучительную головную боль
любому противнику. Если действуют группой.
Что у них в голове, непонятно, но они способны на любое безрассудство. Прекрасно стреляют, часто действуют из засады,
в которую противник попадает согласно хитроумному плану.
Азиатам наплевать на поддержку техникой, самолетами и снарядами.
Им плевать, есть патроны или нет. Главное — наличие собратьев.
Но в одиночку они увы, становятся бесполезны.
Рейтинг — армия императора.

2. Кавказцы и афганцы.
Сильные воины. Прекрасные стрелки. Выносливы, храбры.
Умеют действовать группами, в одиночку, мотивированы и коварны.
В бою действуют грамотно, умеют в тактику и стратегию.
Не пугаются техники и авиаударов, эффективно действуют из засад.
У них есть единственное слабое место — неспособны драться до последнего вдоха, редкий боец способен пожертвовать собой ради общей победы.
Если только он не шахид, но это совсем другая история…
Рейтинг — настоящие Бойцы.

1. Русские.
Противодействовать взводу русских наемников —
лютый, кровавый пиздец.
Они дерутся до конца, до последнего патрона,
а когда кончаются боеприпасы — пускают в ход все, что есть под руками. Смертельно ранил русского ?
Не трогай его, скорее всего перед смертью —
он зажал собой гранату без чеки.
Русские изобретательны, обладают прекрасной интуицией.
И… Похуисты. Самолёт прилетел ? Похуй, собьют саперной лопаткой.
Танк ? Похуй, если не сломаны руки. Бойцы, ни разу не державшие СВД,
в критический момент способны попасть из неё на пределе дальности.
И похуй, что это был последний патрон, будут бить врага самой винтовкой. Тактика и стратегия ? Запросто! Любым составом,
от армии до полуживого калеки, держащего в одиночку роту противника… Русские, даже наемники, не способны отступать.
А если отступают — будьте уверены, они просто бегут за патронами.
Все вышеперечисленное касается и армейцев,
которые более-менее обстреляны.
Впрочем, для этого в большинстве случаев достаточного — единственного боестолкновения…

См. так же[править]

  • Конвенция ООН о наемниках
Tf1ni64lmirrored.jpg Война сопровождает человечество всю его историю
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В культуре и быту 9 мая (Георгиевская ленточка) • FUBAR • Бронзовый солдат • Дворовые войнушки • Победа вопреки • Учи матчасть • Холивар • Шутер про Вторую Мировую
The return of starve the beast nonsense.jpg Старый несносный орёл
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Источник

Военные эксперты полагают, что на сегодняшний день Асademi (в прошлом – Xe Services LLC, а начинавшая в 1997 году как Blackwater) – самая крупная частная военная компания в мире, количество ее сотрудников – около 21 тысячи человек.
Деятельность данной ЧВК сопровождается скандалами и обвинениями в военных преступлениях, совершенными сотрудниками Асademi в ряде стран.

«Черная вода»

Американскую охранную компанию Blackwater («Черная вода») основали в 1997 году спецназовец Эрик Принс и тренер по стрельбе Эл Кларк. Задачами ЧВК являются поддержка и подготовка военных и полицейских операций. У частной военной компании разветвленная структура, состоящая из более десятка подразделений, подчиняющихся управляющей организации Xe Services.
С начала двухтысячных годов сотрудники Blackwater принимали участие в боевых действиях в Афганистане и Ираке. На данный момент, по информации СМИ, ЧВК действует в Сирии.

Неоправданные убийства

Первый громкий скандал, связанный с преступной деятельностью этой американской ЧВК зарубежом, произошел в Багдаде в 2006 году. Как сообщало издание Newsweeк, в конце декабря пьяный 26-летний сотрудник Blackwater убил из пистолета 32-летнего Рахима Халифа, охранника вице-президента Ирака Адиля Абд аль-Махди. Кроме увольнения из ЧВК и депортации из Ирака этот убийца никакого наказания не понес.
По информации издания «Время новостей», в сентябре 2007 года наемниками ЧВК, сопровождавшими чиновников госдепартамента США, были обстреляны мирные жители на багдадской площади Нисур. В результате 17 человек погибли (в том числе женщины и дети) и свыше 20 получили ранения. Американцы утверждали, что на них было совершено нападение и контрактники оборонялись. Однако пострадавших среди сотрудников компании не оказалось. Расследование судебных властей, инициированное в США после этого инцидента, показало, что в 195 боестолкновениях с участием Blackwater в более чем 80% случаев наемники первыми открывали огонь.
Случай с обстрелом иракской площади заставил вмешаться в ситуацию госсекретаря США Кондолизу Райс, которая заверила, что деятельность Blackwater теперь будут контролировать федеральные агенты, автотранспорт ЧВК оснастят видеокамерами, а переговоры между подразделениями безопасности станут записываться.
В прошлом году за участие в этом массовом убийстве иракских мирных жителей один из бывших наемников ЧВК Николас Слаттен был приговорен в США к пожизненному заключению.
В 2010 году бывшие сотрудники дочерней компании Blackwater – «Паравант» – Джастин Кэннон и Кристофер Дротлеф обвинялись в убийстве в 2009 году двух афганцев и ранении третьего.
По сообщению интернет-издания Huffington Post, Кэннон и Дротлеф не должны были носить в Афганистане оружие, и совершили убийства в состоянии алкогольного опьянения.
Кроме того, их, вероятно, вообще не следовало нанимать в Блэкуотер, писало Huffington Post: у Дротлефа было богатое уголовное прошлое с нападением и избиением, его трехлетняя карьера в морской пехоте закончилась после семи несанкционированных отлучек, нападений и других обвинений, а Кэннона уволлили из армии после того, как ушел в самоволку и был уличен в употреблении кокаина.
Как сообщал «Голос Америки», Кристофера Дротлефа в 2011 году приговорили к трем годам и одному месяцу тюрьмы – в отношении него был доказан факт убийства одного афганца. Кэннон получил 2,5 года тюрьмы.

Контрабанда оружия

Еще в сентябре 2007 года ЧВК Blackwater подозревали в контрабандных поставках в Ирак оружия, которое предназначалось курдским боевикам. В 2010 году, сообщало интернет-издание Huffington Post, компания стала фигурантом скандала с пропажей свыше 500 автоматов Калашникова, а также других единиц огнестрельного оружия (винтовки, пистолеты) с афганских складов. Автоматы предназначались для афганской национальной полиции. Фиктивные контракты иорданцам на поставку оружия подписывались именем героя мультфильма «Южный парк» Эрика Картмана.
По информации CNN, ЧВК хотела заполучить контракт с правительством Иордании, и подделав документы, передали королю Абдалле II в качестве подарка свыше двух десятков единиц автоматов Калашникова и другого оружия. Под следствием оказались исполнительный директор «Черной воды» Гарри Джексон и еще четверо сотрудников частной военной компании.
В итоге руководство ЧВК договорилось с правительством США о выплате 7,5 миллионов долларов отступного взамен на закрытие уголовного дела о контрабанде оружия.

Источник

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